Archive for ‘Uncategorized’

December 20, 2014

The Southeast Asia Opium – Myanmar and Lao PDR [People’s Democratic Republic] found that opium poppy cultivation rose

Opium poppy cultivation in ‘Golden Triangle’ hits new high in 2014 – UN report

Click on the link to get more news and video from original source: http://www.un.org/apps/news/story.asp?NewsID=49540#.VJWHov8eI

Opium poppy field, Myanmar. Photo: UNODC

8 December 2014 – Cultivation of opium poppy crops in Myanmar and Laos rose again for the eighth consecutive year, nearly tripling the amount harvested in 2006, according to a new report released by the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) today.

The Southeast Asia Opium Survey 2014 – Myanmar and Lao PDR [People’s Democratic Republic] found that opium poppy cultivation rose from 63,800 hectares (ha) in 2014 compared to 61,200 ha in 2013.

This means that Myanmar will remain Southeast Asia’s top opium producer – and the world’s second largest after Afghanistan, UNODC said today.

Together, Myanmar and Laos produced an estimated 762 metric tons of opium, most of which – using smuggled precursor chemicals like acetyl anhydride – was refined into an estimated 76 tons of heroin and then trafficked to markets in neighbouring countries and outside the region.

The Survey also found that transnational crime groups are receiving profitable incentives due to the region’s large demand for heroin. There is a two-way trade involving chemicals going in and heroin coming out of the so-called “Golden Triangle” – located where the borders of Myanmar, Laos and Thailand converge along the Mekong River – challenging the region’s stability and the rule of law.

Not only are they bringing in the chemicals needed to make heroin, but are also are trafficking and distributing the drug to markets in China, Southeast Asia and other parts of the world.

North Myanmar’s Shan State, home to a number of conflict areas and insurgent groups, remains the centre of Myanmar’s opium and heroin activities, accounting for 89 per cent of opium poppy cultivation in the Golden Triangle. In Laos, the survey confirmed opium poppy cultivation in the three northern provinces of Phongsali, Xiangkhoang and Houaphan.

In his forward to the report, UNODC Executive Director Yury Fedotov urged a comprehensive approach to tackle the varied but links aspects of the challenge, including dependence on poppy cultivation to offset poverty in some areas, the rise of heroin use in the region and its attendant negative health impacts, and the propensity of traffickers taking advantage of the region’s well-intended connectivity.

Indeed, the economic surveys that were part of the report point out that for farmers in poppy-growing villages, the money generated from poppy crop cultivation is essential to prevent food insecurity and poverty, which illustrates the link between poverty, lack of alternative economic opportunities, and poppy cultivation.

The report also warned that the opium business and trade threatens regional integration. Development plans are underway to expand transport connections, and reduce trade barriers and border controls, including around opium producing areas. This carries the risk of providing organized crime networks opportunities to take advantage of the regional integration process.

In Southeast Asia, UNOFC supports Member States to develop and implement evidence based rule of law, drug control and criminal justice responses through the Regional Programme 2014-2017. It also promotes the development of a global network of illicit crop monitoring systems.


News Tracker: past stories on this issue

Opium harvest in Afghanistan hits new high in 2014 – UN

December 18, 2014

End of the road for Laos elephants?

End of the road for Laos elephants?

Laos used to be known as the land of a million elephants – today, it’s home to barely a thousand, half of which are used as working animals and treated very poorly. But help is at hand.

Click on the link to get more news and video from original source: http://www.dw.de/end-of-the-road-for-laos-elephants/a-18133929

The elephant population in Laos is dwindling at an alarming rate. With more animals dying off than being born, the pachyderms face a real crisis. Their numbers as well their habitat need monitoring and preservation.

Watch the report

Project goal: a nursing and breeding program for the Asian elephant, introduction of REDD+ forest protection standards and reducing emissions due to deforestation in a project supported by Germany’s International Climate Initiative (ICI)

Size: a single breeding center for working elephants in Laos; eight animals live in the protected area. Only about 1000 elephants are estimated to live in Laos

Investment: around 2.4 million Euros provided by ICI

The Asian elephant is disappearing along with the forest cover in Laos. Only about 1000 pachyderms are left in the southeast Asian country. Most of them are put to work in the forests, ironically helping to destroy their own habitat. That’s despite the fact that the animals are revered in Laotian culture. Only a combination of forest protection schemes and breeding programs can help to preserve their habitat on the one hand and stabilize and boost the elephant population on the other. Currently, some eight elephants die each year while only about three to four are born in the same period.

A film by Michael Altenhenne

December 18, 2014

Thailand In Turmoil: Who Will Be The Next King (Or Queen)?

Barron's Asia

Thailand In Turmoil: Who Will Be The Next King (Or Queen)?

December 16, 2014, 8:17 P.M. ET

Click on the link to get more news and video from original source:  http://blogs.barrons.com/asiastocks/2014/12/16/thailand-in-turmoil-who-will-be-the-next-king-or-queen/

The Thailand SET Index has fallen 8.5% since Thailand’s monarch Bhumibol Adulyadej cancelled the public celebration of his 87th birthday, on the advice of doctors who said he was too ill to make a public speech. Last week, the wife of the 62-year-old Crown Prince Maha Vajiralongkorn was demoted to a commoner after members of her family were arrested on corruption charges.

The events set off speculation that a royal succession is in order. The last royal succession was in 1946 when Bhumibol succeeded his older brother Ananda Mahidol, with the latter dying  after being shot in his bedroom.

Not surprisingly, the stock market is nervous. The dollar-denominated iShares MSCI Thailand Capped ETF (THD) has fallen nearly 11% in the meantime. Daily trading volume this week was over $550 million, well above the 30-day average of $375 million.

Prime Minister and military coup leader Prayuth Chan-ocha has said the sudden drop in stocks was because of “false rumors”. Teneo Intelligences Bob Herrera-Lim called him out on this and said market volatility was down to uncertainty over a royal succession:

Given recent developments, such rumors may be related to the succession. Other large cap, non-energy companies dropped almost simultaneously with PTT, including retailer Big C Supercenter, which at its worst plunged 20% during the day, and food company Charoen Pokphand Foods, which dropped 13% before recovering. Telecoms stocks Advance Info Systems and True also fell. Previous instances of large stock market drops were in 2010, a year after Bhumibol was hospitalized and questions over his health suddenly increased, and in 2007 after the then military-installed government floated a draft amendment to the foreign business act that would make it more difficult for foreign investors to control domestic enterprises.

So what will happen when the much revered King dies? “The most likely scenario is that the succession will be multi-year affair, starting with a year-long tribute to King Bhumibol,” wrote Herrera-Lim. Crown prince Vajiralongkorn, an unpopular figure in Thailand for his extravagant lifestyle, is likely to take the throne, although Herrera-Lim sees the scenario whereby his sister Royal Princess Maha Chakri Sirindhorn, who is liked by the Thais, may take over:

The alternative to Vajiralongkorn is Royal Princess Maha Chakri Sirindhorn, who is well-liked by Thais and would be better placed to preserve some of her father’s goodwill. However, Thailand has never had a female monarch and Sirindhorn had previously disavowed any interest in becoming queen. A third option is the Crown Prince’s nine year old son, with Sirindhorn acting as a regent.

And what’s the deal with Vajiralongkorn’s wife, formerly Princess Srirasmi, being demoted to a commoner? “Corruption is not uncommon among elite networks in Thailand, especially with the police, so the dismantling of Srirasmi’s network may be an effort by the prince to convince his opponents in the military and the monarchy that he is willing to take the needed steps to preserve the institution’s goodwill and, by consequence, its political power. Srirasmi was not only unpopular but controversial, tied to the prince’s freewheeling party life.” Search Srirasmi’s name on Google and you will find an interesting birthday party celebration video, which common Thais find particularly distasteful. Plus, the crown prince “appears headed for his fourth [wife],” said Herrera-Lim. Read BBC‘s analysis “What’s behind the downfall of Thailand’s Princess Srirasmi?

 

 

December 17, 2014

National Geographic

Mystery in Laos: Reformer Still Missing Two Years After Videotaped Police Stop

Sombath Somphone defended small landholders in the face of logging and mining interests.

Photo of Sombath Somphone.

Prominent Laotian reformer Sombath Somphone, shown here receiving an award for community leadership in 2005, disappeared in Vientiane on December 15, 2012.

Photograph by Bullit Marquez, AP

Michelle Nijhuis

for National Geographic

Published December 16, 2014

Click on the link to get more news and video from original source: http://news.nationalgeographic.com/news/2014/12/141216-laos-sombath-somphone-abduction-police-environment/

Two years ago this week, in the Laotian capital of Vientiane, a retired UNICEF official named Shui Meng Ng and her husband drove home for dinner. As they caravaned through the crowded city center—she in the couple’s beige hatchback, he in his battered Jeep—Ng lost sight of the Jeep in her rearview mirror. She has not seen or heard from her husband since.

Ng’s husband, Sombath Somphone, is well known in Laos for his decades of work on behalf of farmers and sustainable farming practices. A small man with close-cropped white hair and a broad, even-toothed smile, he has a gentle poise that belies a strategic mind. At times, his patient reform efforts have even enjoyed support from the notoriously secretive and repressive Laotian government.

But not long before he disappeared, he challenged the massive land deals the government has negotiated in recent years. Those sales and leases, many of them to Thai, Vietnamese, and Chinese investors for logging, mining, and large-scale agriculture, have left thousands of rural Laotians with no land and little compensation. They’ve even sparked popular protests—a rare occurrence in Laos, where political speech is tightly controlled.

Somphone spoke out publicly against the deals.

International NGOs and foreign ambassadors have been calling for answers since soon after he disappeared. On December 15, the second anniversary of his disappearance, 82 NGOs issued a statement condemning “the Lao government’s ongoing refusal to provide any information regarding Sombath’s fate or whereabouts.”

“For the international community, the focus is on not forgetting—on not letting this slip away,” says Phil Robertson, deputy Asia director for Human Rights Watch. For Robertson, there is “no doubt whatsoever” that Laotian government officials were involved in Somphone’s disappearance.

Two days after he vanished, members of his family went to the local police station. Some young officers there agreed to show them security camera footage of the area where Ng last saw her husband’s Jeep.

The footage shows that the Jeep was stopped by police officers. Somphone, still wearing shorts and a T-shirt from his regular Saturday afternoon Ping-Pong game, got out of the vehicle and stood at the side of the road. Moments later, a lone motorcyclist arrived, parked his bike, and drove away in the Jeep. Immediately afterward, an unmarked white pickup pulled up.

Somphone, accompanied by one or two other people, got into the pickup and was driven away.

After Somphone’s relatives watched the footage at the police station, the officers allowed them to film it on cell phones and cameras. Somphone’s supporters soon posted the video online. So far, however, the Laotian government’s public responses to international demands for a serious investigation have consisted of little more than a cursory investigation and expressions of bemused dismay. (Neither the Laotian Ministry of Foreign Affairs nor the country’s United Nations mission responded to requests for comment for this story.)

Ng’s husband, Sombath Somphone, is well known in Laos for his decades of work on behalf of farmers and sustainable farming practices. A small man with close-cropped white hair and a broad, even-toothed smile, he has a gentle poise that belies a strategic mind. At times, his patient reform efforts have even enjoyed support from the notoriously secretive and repressive Laotian government.

But not long before he disappeared, he challenged the massive land deals the government has negotiated in recent years. Those sales and leases, many of them to Thai, Vietnamese, and Chinese investors for logging, mining, and large-scale agriculture, have left thousands of rural Laotians with no land and little compensation. They’ve even sparked popular protests—a rare occurrence in Laos, where political speech is tightly controlled.

Somphone spoke out publicly against the deals.

International NGOs and foreign ambassadors have been calling for answers since soon after he disappeared. On December 15, the second anniversary of his disappearance, 82 NGOs issued a statement condemning “the Lao government’s ongoing refusal to provide any information regarding Sombath’s fate or whereabouts.”

“For the international community, the focus is on not forgetting—on not letting this slip away,” says Phil Robertson, deputy Asia director for Human Rights Watch. For Robertson, there is “no doubt whatsoever” that Laotian government officials were involved in Somphone’s disappearance.

Two days after he vanished, members of his family went to the local police station. Some young officers there agreed to show them security camera footage of the area where Ng last saw her husband’s Jeep.

The footage shows that the Jeep was stopped by police officers. Somphone, still wearing shorts and a T-shirt from his regular Saturday afternoon Ping-Pong game, got out of the vehicle and stood at the side of the road. Moments later, a lone motorcyclist arrived, parked his bike, and drove away in the Jeep. Immediately afterward, an unmarked white pickup pulled up.

Somphone, accompanied by one or two other people, got into the pickup and was driven away.

After Somphone’s relatives watched the footage at the police station, the officers allowed them to film it on cell phones and cameras. Somphone’s supporters soon posted the video online. So far, however, the Laotian government’s public responses to international demands for a serious investigation have consisted of little more than a cursory investigation and expressions of bemused dismay. (Neither the Laotian Ministry of Foreign Affairs nor the country’s United Nations mission responded to requests for comment for this story.)

 

For much of the past two years, Ng has traveled the world, pressing for answers. This past October, she addressed the Asia-Europe People’s Forum in Milan. “To this day I am still in shock and in grief,” she said.

Laotian authorities say they have no idea where Somphone is or who abducted him. When Somphone’s relatives went to the police station and asked about the young officers who showed them the security camera footage, they were told that the officers were no longer there.

A Deceptive Facade

To foreign visitors, Laos can be cinematically seductive. Morning mist rolls over mountains and teak plantations; young monks in saffron robes stroll past crumbling Buddhist stupas and fragrant French bakeries; farmers goad sulky water buffalo.

Parts of the country still look much as they did in 1952, when Sombath Somphone was born in a small village south of the capital.

At age 16, at a French lycée in southern Laos, Somphone was recruited by the American Field Service exchange-student program and left  for a year of study in Wisconsin. It was 1969. His country was in a civil war; the North Vietnamese Army had invaded Laos in support of the Pathet Lao, the communist insurgency, and the United States Air Force was dropping hundreds of millions of cluster bombs on the Plain of Jars, in the strategic northeastern corner of Laos. Meanwhile, Somphone was living with a Wisconsin host family, joined the high-school wrestling team, and learned to drive a snowmobile. For the first time, he recalled later, he was beginning each day sure of having enough to eat.

Along the way, Somphone decided that his mission was to improve farming back home. He went to the the University of Hawaii on a USAID scholarship. When he graduated in 1975, the Pathet Lao had just defeated the U.S.-supported royalist forces, and the country was in chaos.

Reluctantly, he stayed on in Honolulu and began to pursue a Ph.D. in agronomy. That’s when he met Ng, who was earning her Ph.D. in sociology. She was from Singapore, and like Somphone, she was the eldest child in a poor family.

When Ng was asked to join the faculty of the Institute of Southeast Asian Studies in Singapore, she introduced her new husband  to the institute’s horticultural researchers, hoping that he would also find work in Singapore. “He just laughed and said, ‘You guys grow flowers,'” Ng remembers. “He told them, ‘In my country, we need food.’ “

Biofertilizer and Buddhism

In 1975, when Somphone was finally able to return to Laos for a visit, he found that government officials were suspicious of an American-educated prodigal son and had little interest in supporting him. He persisted, however, and during longer and longer stays in the country, he embarked on work that was practical and scrupulously apolitical.

He knew that Laotian farmers needed fertilizer and that most couldn’t afford the commercial ones. With a small grant from the American Friends Service Committee (AFSC), he researched Azolla, a fast-growing water fern, and began to promote its use as a biofertilizer. He encouraged farmers to grow rice for market but also to improve their own diets by growing vegetables and raising fish and fowl.

Carol Doolittle, the co-director of the AFSC in Laos at the time, remembers Somphone as deceptively diffident. “You’d sit and talk to him, and he’d listen with his eyelids about a third of the way closed—you’d wonder, ‘Is this guy about to fall asleep?'” Doolittle soon realized that Somphone was energetic and organized, and passionate not only about better fertilizers but about a better society.

Years of war had destroyed the country’s educational system, and most educated Laotians had fled or been killed. So in 1996, Somphone founded an independent educational organization called the Participatory Development Training Center (its acronym, PADETC, sounds to Laotian speakers like padaek, the distinctively Laotian variety of fish sauce).

With PADETC, Somphone expanded his agenda. The organization promoted fuel-efficient stoves for rural women. It established a recycling center in Vientiane that is now the country’s largest, processing and exporting more than 2,000 tons of recycled paper and plastic to China and Vietnam in 2013. It organized a countrywide network of 300 artisans and helped market their crafts. PADETC was the first and only organization of its kind in Laos, and many hoped it was a sign of increasing freedom in the country.

In the mid-1990s, Somphone became intensely interested in “engaged Buddhism,” a philosophy that Westerners associate with the teachings of the Dalai Lama and Thich Nhat Hanh. He taught his PADETC students to use Buddhist principles to address controversial social issues such as human trafficking and AIDS, and to speak about these and other issues in public.

Somphone is idealistic but not naive, his colleagues say, and he knew that even the mildest criticism of government policies was dangerous. Over the years, several friends with ambitions to better Laos had disappeared, while others had been imprisoned. These abuses are largely hidden from international view: After a visit to laid-back Laos, outsiders often conclude that the country is ruled not with an iron fist but with quaint incompetence and beery charm.

“Laos has been extraordinarily good at hiding its dirty laundry,” says one longtime aid worker. “By comparison, Myanmar and North Korea are hanging everything out for the world to see.”

In September 2005 Somphone vacationed in Bali with his wife, Shui Meng Ng. Since his disappearance, she has traveled the world seeking support for his cause.

Photograph by Sombath Somphone Family, AP

Speaking Out Against Land Grabs

In the late 1990s, after years of political and economic isolation, Laotian government officials had begun to court international investment. They agreed to Thai-financed hydropower dams along the Mekong River and to a proposed high-speed railway connecting Vientiane with the Chinese provincial capital of Kunming.

And they fast-tracked sales and leases of land. A 2012 inventory by Switzerland, Germany, and the Laotian government itself estimated that land deals with both domestic and foreign investors covered almost three million acres of Laotian land-five percent of the country.

When Laos was chosen as the host of the 2012 Asia-Europe Meeting, Somphone was asked to organize the Asia-Europe People’s Forum, a parallel gathering of grassroots activists. In an address to the forum in mid-October, Somphone mentioned the land issue. “Economic development and promotion of investment should not undermine people’s land ownership,” he said. It was a bland statement, but a daring move: It was almost certainly the first time a Laotian had used an official setting to criticize the land sales.

Somphone had worked closely with Laotian government officials while organizing the conference, and he believed they were prepared to tolerate this and other expressions of dissent. But his optimism was apparently misplaced.

Several attendees said they were intimidated and threatened by government officials at the forum, and one Laotian attendee reported that she was harassed even when she returned home. After the conference, Anne-Sophie Gindroz, the Laos country director for the Swiss NGO Helvetas and an ally of Somphone’s, wrote a letter to several aid agencies. “We are working in a challenging environment,” she stated. “This is a country governed by a single-party regime, where there is little space for meaningful democratic debate, and when taking advantage of that limited space, repercussions follow.”

On December 7, a Friday, Gindroz was called to a meeting at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and told that she had 48 hours to leave the country. In an official notice, the ministry cited her letter and criticized her “unconstructive attitude” toward Laos.

On December 15, the following Saturday, Somphone disappeared.

“At first, I thought, ‘They have to let him go. This is on camera,’ ” Ng says. But as days turned into weeks, Somphone’s supporters began to fear that whoever was responsible for his disappearance was simply waiting him to be forgotten.

Whether this all-too-familiar strategy will succeed with someone of Somphone’s stature remains to be seen. Several NGOs are now preparing to oppose Laos’s planned application for a seat on the U.N. Human Rights Council, citing both Somphone’s case and the continued eviction of Laotians from land sold to foreign interests. “We can’t let the Lao government win just because people get tired,” says Robertson, of Human Rights Watch.

“Laos was a repressive society before Sombath was disappeared, and it’s a repressive society now,” emphasizes Ian Baird, a professor of geography at the University of Wisconsin-Madison who lived in Laos for many years. “But this is the first time that somebody close  to a lot of foreigners, somebody with an international reputation, has been disappeared.”

An ad in a Vientiane newspaper seeks information on Somphone. The Laotian authorities say they have none.

Photograph by Gilles Sabrie, LightRocket/Getty

Bringing Her Cause to the U.S.

This past spring, Ng traveled to the U.S. to bring attention to her husband’s case. At Portland State University in Oregon, she gave a slide presentation about him. Ng is a tiny woman, with chin-length graying hair and a determined air. Dressed in a dark blazer and trousers, she spoke calmly and clearly-a former university professor giving a well-rehearsed lecture.

At the end of her talk, she fielded several questions from the audience, including a few from Laotian-American dissidents who wanted to make Somphone’s case a rallying point for their longstanding opposition to the regime. Ng, who treads a fine line between calling out the Lao government and antagonizing it, resisted such suggestions.

“I know what he would want, and he wouldn’t want that,” she said. “Sombath has no intention or desire to take on any political agenda. All he wanted to do was to serve the poor, the young, the next generation.”

An elderly white woman raised her hand and asked if Ng felt safe returning to Vientiane. When Ng started to answer, her questioner gestured for her to speak up. Ng raised her voice, and it suddenly filled with emotion.

“What are they going to do?” she said raggedly. “Kill me? Disappear me? Kick me out of the country? They’ve already taken my husband. I’m not going to succumb to fear.”

The audience applauded, and Ng looked at the floor. When she raised her head, her face was set. She was ready for the next question.

December 17, 2014

Laos: Rights groups urge ASEAN to break silence on enforced disappearance of Sombath Somphone

fidh

Laos

Rights groups urge ASEAN to break silence on enforced disappearance of Sombath Somphone

15 December 2014

Click on the link to get more news and video from original source:  https://www.fidh.org/International-Federation-for-Human-Rights/asia/laos/16644-rights-groups-urge-asean-to-break-silence-on-enforced-disappearance-of

On the second anniversary of the enforced disappearance of prominent Lao civil society leader Sombath Somphone, we, the undersigned regional and international organizations, firmly condemn the Lao government’s ongoing refusal to provide any information regarding Sombath’s fate or whereabouts.

The Lao government’s deliberate silence on Sombath is part of a strategy that aims at consigning to oblivion the heinous crime of enforced disappearance. Regrettably, all other ASEAN member states have remained conspicuously silent on the issue of Sombath’s disappearance. Our organizations believe that ASEAN member states, as well as the ASEAN Intergovernmental Commission on Human Rights (AICHR), must break the silence on this matter.

Instead of invoking the principle of non-interference into one another’s internal affairs, ASEAN member states must act as responsible members of the international community and uphold the 10-nation bloc’s key tenets enshrined in the ASEAN Charter, which recognizes the promotion and protection of human rights and fundamental freedoms among the bloc’s purposes and principles.

As a result, we, the undersigned organizations, call on ASEAN member states to raise the issue of Sombath’s disappearance with the Lao government in all bilateral and multilateral fora. We also urge AICHR to exercise its power to “obtain information from ASEAN member states on the promotion and protection of human rights” in order to shed light on the disappearance of Sombath.

Sombath was last seen on the evening of 15 December 2012 in Vientiane. Lao public surveillance CCTV footage revealed that police stopped Sombath’s car at a police post. Within minutes after being stopped, unknown individuals forced him into another vehicle and drove away. Analysis of the CCTV footage shows that Sombath was taken away in the presence of police officers who witnessed the abduction and failed to intervene – a fact that strongly suggests government complicity.

Sombath’s enforced disappearance is not an isolated incident. To this day, the whereabouts of nine people arbitrarily detained by Lao security forces in November 2009 in various locations across the country remain unknown. The nine had planned peaceful demonstrations calling for democracy and respect of human rights. The whereabouts of Somphone Khantisouk are also unknown. Somphone, the owner of an ecotourism guesthouse, was an outspoken critic of Chinese-sponsored agricultural projects that were damaging the environment in the northern province of Luang Namtha. He disappeared after uniformed men abducted him in January 2007.

Our organizations urge ASEAN member states and the AICHR to call on the Lao government to immediately conduct competent, impartial, effective, and thorough investigations into all cases of enforced disappearances, hold the perpetrators accountable, and provide reparations to the victims and their families.

Signed by:

1. Adventist Development and Relief Agency Lao PDR
2. Ain O Salish Kendra
3. Alternative ASEAN Network on Burma (ALTSEAN-Burma)
4. Amnesty International
5. ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights
6. ASEAN SOGIE Caucus
7. Asia Indigenous Peoples Pact
8. Asian Federation Against Involuntary Disappearances
9. Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development (FORUM-ASIA)
10. Asia-Pacific Solidarity Coalition
11. Association of Human Rights Defenders and Promoters
12. Banglar Manabadhikar Suraksha Mancha (MASUM)
13. Boat People SOS
14. Burma Partnership
15. Cambodian Civil Society Working Group on ASEAN
16. Cambodian Human Rights and Development Association (ADHOC)
17. Cambodian League for the Promotion and Defense of Human Rights (LICADHO)
18. Cambodian Volunteers for Society
19. Center for Human Rights and Development
20. China Labour Bulletin
21. Coalition to Abolish Modern-day Slavery in Asia
22. Commission for the Disappeared and Victims of Violence (KontraS)
23. Commonwealth Human Rights Initiative
24. East Timor and Indonesia Action Network
25. Equality Myanmar
26. Equitable Cambodia
27. FIDH – International Federation for Human Rights
28. Finnish Asiatic Society
29. Focus on the Global South
30. Forum for Democracy in Burma
31. Fresh Eyes – People to People Travel
32. Gender and Development Initiative-Myanmar
33. Globe International
34. Hawaii Center for Human Rights Research & Action
35. Human Rights and Development Foundation
36. Human Rights Commission of Pakistan
37. Human Rights Watch
38. Indonesian Human Rights Monitor (IMPARSIAL)
39. Indonesian Legal Aid Foundation
40. INFORM Human Rights Documentation Centre
41. Initiatives for International Dialogue
42. Interfaith Youth Coalition on Aid in Myanmar
43. International Rivers
44. Judicial System Monitoring Programme
45. Justice and Peace Network of Myanmar
46. Justice for Peace Foundation
47. Justice for Women
48. Kachin Peace Network
49. Kachin Women Peace Network
50. Khmer Kampuchea Krom for Human Rights and Development Association
51. Korean House for International Solidarity
52. Lao Movement for Human Rights
53. Law and Society Trust
54. League for the Defence of Human Rights in Iran
55. LICADHO Canada
56. LILAK (Purple Action for Indigenous Women’s Rights)
57. Madaripur Legal Aid Association
58. MARUAH
59. National Commission for Justice and Peace
60. Network for Democracy and Development
61. Odhikar
62. Olive Branch Human Rights Initiative
63. People’s Empowerment Foundation
64. People’s Solidarity for Participatory Democracy
65. People’s Vigilance Committee on Human Rights
66. People’s Watch
67. Philippine Alliance of Human Rights Advocates
68. Potahar Organization for Development Advocacy
69. RTCC Research and Translation Consultancy Cluster
70. Sehjira Foundation for Persons with Disabilities
71. SILAKA
72. Social Action for Change
73. STAR Kampuchea
74. Suara Rakyat Malaysia (SUARAM)
75. Taiwan Association for Human Rights
76. Task Force Detainees of the Philippines
77. Think Centre
78. Transnational Institute
79. United Sisterhood Alliance – Cambodia
80. Vietnam Committee on Human Rights
81. Women Peace Network Arakan
82. World Rainforest Movement

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